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1.
本文概述了2 0 0 4年以来印巴关系走向缓和的主要情况,并分协了印巴关系的发展前景,作者认为,印巴关系真正缓和还有很长的路要走。 相似文献
2.
近年来,从小泉、安倍、再到福田,日本政府都非常重视构成两国关系之潜流的精神和价值理念领域。特别是前首相福田转变了小泉和安倍的"价值本位"外交方向,并从"回归古典"着手,力图通过重构中日两国的精神、价值大厦,使中日关系不仅仅是一种利益、利害关系的存在,而是建立在双方共同理解、追求并能够互相接受的价值阈值的基础之上。这样,中日关系才可能从根本上克服其脆弱性的一面,从而走得更远。而中日两国在第四个政治文件中就此所达成的共识,即为实现这一目标的"新向度"。无疑这是前首相福田对中外交的重要遗产。 相似文献
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我国《工会法》第52条规定的责令雇主承担不当劳动行为的民事责任,与美国《国家劳资关系法》第10(c)条的规定看起来很相似,相比之下,这一规范在美国劳动法的实践中很有效,在我国却极少被适用,解释方面也存在较大的分歧。美国是世界上最早创设不当劳动行为救济制度的国家,从《瓦格纳法》规定的雇主不当劳动行为的禁止规范及救济措施,到《塔夫托—哈特莱法》将适用对象扩大到工会和雇员,在雇用自由原则和劳资自治模式的背景下,其演变始终以保护雇员团结权的松紧程度和收放态度为线索。我国《工会法》现正处于第三次修改阶段,适时检讨第52条的解释和适用的障碍,还可以解决其与《劳动合同法》规范的竞合问题。 相似文献
4.
公共行政学自产生以来,经历了传统公共行政范式、新公共行政范式与新公共管理范式相互分立、新公共行政范式与新公共管理范式相互融合三个阶段,呈现出“合——分——合”的态势。而公平效率观也相应地从单纯的效率至上,分裂为新公共行政学派的从公平角度出发寻求公平效率的统一和新公共管理的从效率角度出发寻求公平效率的统一,而最终两种分裂的公平效率观又在新的实践和理论上相互借鉴和整合,走向融合和统一。 相似文献
5.
随着中国改革开放的深入和中韩关系的发展,中国地方政府开始在中韩关系中发挥日益重大的作用。本文以山东省、上海市、广东省、湖北省为案例,分析了21世纪中国地方政府在中韩关系中的作用。这种作用体现为以下三个方面：中国地方政府与韩国的经贸关系为中韩关系发展注入了强大的经济动力;中国地方政府与韩国的外事活动为中韩关系发展奠定了坚实的政治基础;中国地方政府与韩国的文化交流为中韩关系发展营造了友好的民意支撑。展望未来的中韩关系,本文得出的相关政策启示在于：对于中国地方政府而言,要为韩国企业入驻创造良好的投资环境;对于中国中央政府而言。需要给予地方政府在发展中韩关系中适当的授权和分权;对于韩国政府而言,需要积 相似文献
6.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):169-181
The rise of nationalisms in Japan and China in the 1980s and 1990s aroused much interest in Western, Chinese and Japanese academic and journalistic circles and prompted some analysts to speculate about potential conflict between China and Japan. This article questions such arguments by examining nationalisms in China and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s. It identifies similar trends in the resurgence of state nationalism and cultural nationalism in both countries, and argues that, although élites in both countries were active in promoting patriotism in the 1980s and 1990s, their efforts had limited impact, whereas cultural nationalism, on the other hand, managed to capture the popular mood. The article suggests that, nonetheless, because both types of nationalism were predominantly inward-oriented responses to domestic and external changes, relations between China and Japan remained relatively stable. 相似文献
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Family law professionals should be proactive in seeking and implementing constructive reforms. We identify some successful cutting‐edge reforms: (1) family resource centers, where all kinds of needs can be met; (2) informal family law trials, which streamline clogged calendars and provide an empowering and efficient forum; (3) licensed legal technicians, who increase public access to legal services; and (4) unbundled family law services. Second, we outline a protocol for implementation of reform developed by the Oregon Task Force on Family Law which is effective and replicable. Thoughtful reform of dispute resolution processes will serve family health and promote peace.
- Key Points for the Family Court Community:
- Evolving family constellations, private ordering through pre‐ and postmarital agreements, an increase in self‐represented litigants, and shrinking judicial resources are changing family law dramatically.
- Thoughtful, practical process reforms are needed in order to accommodate these changes.
- Practitioners should be proactive about seeking out and implementing such reforms.
- Some reforms already finding success include family relationship resource centers, informal domestic relations trials, licensed legal technicians, and unbundled legal services.
- We outline a protocol with a proven track record of success for implementing cutting‐edge family law reform.
10.
EMMA R. NORMAN 《Politics & Policy》2012,40(3):403-423
Harry Potter's boggarts arouse our deepest fears and shape‐shift according to those fears. Consequently, nobody knows what this magical monster really looks like—adding to our insecurities. The striking parallels with international issues involve fear and (in)security as the central forces driving state behavior, and how to confront shape‐shifting nonstate sources of violence. Yet examining the connections between identity and violence in the boggart metaphor problematizes several assumptions underpinning constructivism and realism. Using Schmitt's “friend–enemy” distinction, I argue that it is not a Hobbesian freedom from fear of violent death that motivates the search for security, but the fear of not belonging to a clearly defined group. For it is not the dread that an international boggart will kill us that makes it so paralyzing, but it's the lack of a clear identity that renders “other” and “self” indistinguishable. In a world where globalization has blurred state‐oriented differentiation of (national) self and (foreign) other, Schmitt's theory of identity proves particularly valuable. Related Articles in this Politics & Policy Symposium Mena Alemán. 2012. “Editor's Introduction to the Symposium: Politics, Policy, and Harry Potter.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00355.x/abstract Norman and Delfin. 2012. “Wizards under Uncertainty: Cognitive Biases, Threat Assessment, and Misjudgments in Policy Making.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00356.x/abstract Grijalva. 2012. “Deconstructing the Grand Narrative in Harry Potter: Inclusion/Exclusion and Discriminatory Policies in Fiction and Practice.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00358.x/abstract Related Media Film Clips: “The Boggart.” 2001. http://archive.org/details/TheBoggart George W. Bush. 2002. “State of the Union Address.” http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/stateoftheunion2002.htm Course Syllabus: Harry Potter and International Politics: Identity, Violence, and Social Control. http://ipsonet.org/data/files/psoproceedings16.pdf(7‐18) Los boggarts en Harry Potter despiertan nuestros más profundos miedos y cambian de forma de acuerdo a ellos. Por lo tanto, nadie sabe realmente cuál es el aspecto de estos monstros mágicos—lo cual aumenta nuestras inseguridades. Las notables semejanzas con asuntos internacionales actuales se relacionan al uso del miedo y la (in)seguridad como la principal fuerza motivando el comportamiento del estado, y así como la forma en la que se confronta la naturaleza elusiva de fuentes de violencia provenientes de actores no estatales. Sin embargo, al examinar las conexiones entre la identidad colectiva y la violencia en la metáfora de los boggarts conlleva a cuestionarse un número de supuestos fundamentales para el constructivismo y el realismo. Usando la “distinción amigo‐enemigo” de Schmitt, establezco que nuestra búsqueda por seguridad no es motivada por una libertad hobbesiana derivada del temor a una muerte violenta; sino por una necesidad de pertenecer (o miedo a no pertenecer) a un grupo claramente definido. Ya que un boggart internacional no es paralizante por el miedo a ser ultimado por este, sino la falta de una identidad clara que vuelve a “otros” y “uno mismo” indistinguible. En un mundo donde la globalización ha difuminado los medios tradicionales usados por el estado para diferenciar el yo (nacional) de los otros (extranjeros), la teoría de la identidad de Schmitt demuestra ser particularmente útil. 相似文献